As this One World infrastructure emerges it increases the percentage of our total dependence upon remote food production capacity to the mass production capability and transport means of enormous companies operating under the global policy guidance of such organizations as the Chartered Institute of Transport in London, and the international banking community. As individuals, few of us would have any idea where to get a loaf of bread or yard of fabric other than in some supermarket and department store … and we are all dependent upon some form of efficient transport, electric power, gasoline at the pump, and boundless manufacturing capacity and versatility. Let that system collapse, at any point, and all of us will be helpless. A cooperating, working system is essential to survival; yet over-all it is a system without leadership and guidance. At the same time the traditional family farm, and even community farms and industries, have all but vanished from the scene. This has created, at least in what we label, the advanced nations, a dearth of farmers and of people who have that basic experience along with that required in the food and home products industries. Furthermore, as this trend is amplified, the transport of farm produce has become increasingly assigned to the trucking industry, which has its over-land limits … mostly as applied to the tonnage limits of rural bridges, and the economical availability of petroleum.
The paradox of our time is that humanity is becoming simultaneously more unified and more fragmented. That is the principal thrust of contemporary change. Time and space have become so compressed that global politics manifest a tendency toward larger, more interwoven forms of cooperation as well as toward the dissolution of established institutional and ideological loyalties. Humanity is becoming more integral and intimate even as the differences in the condition of the separate societies are widening. Under these circumstances proximity, instead of promoting unity, gives rise to tensions prompted by a new sense of global congestion. A new pattern of international politics is emerging. The world is ceasing to be an arena in which relatively self-contained, “sovereign,” and homogeneous nations interact, collaborate, clash, or make war. International politics, in the original sense of the term, were born when groups of people began to identify themselves— and others—in mutually exclusive terms (territory, language, symbols, beliefs), and when that identification became in turn the dominant factor in relations between these groups. The concept of national interest—based on geographical factors, traditional animosities or friendships, economics, and security considerations implied a degree of autonomy and specificity that was possible only so long as nations were sufficiently separated in time and space to have both the room to maneuver and the distance needed to maintain separate identity.
Eurasia is thus the chessboard on which the struggle for global primacy continues to be played, and that struggle involves geostrategy—the strategic management of geopolitical interests. It is noteworthy that as recently as 1940 two aspirants to global power, Adolf Hitler and Joseph Stalin, agreed explicitly (in the secret negotiations of November of that year) that America should be excluded from Eurasia. Each realized that the injection of American power into Eurasia would preclude his ambitions regarding global domination. Each shared the assumption that Eurasia is the center of the world and that he who controls Eurasia controls the world. A half century later, the issue has been redefined: will America’s primacy in Eurasia endure, and to what ends might it be applied? The ultimate objective of American policy should be benign and visionary: to shape a truly cooperative global community, in keeping with long-range trends and with the fundamental interests of humankind. But in the meantime, it is imperative that no Eurasian challenger emerges, capable of dominating Eurasia and thus also of challenging America. The formulation of a comprehensive and integrated Eurasian geostrategy is therefore the purpose of this book.
Propaganda and Information Warfare in the Twenty-First Century is the first book to analyze how the technology to alter images and rapidly distribute them can be used for propaganda and deception operations. Such images have already appeared, including altered images of British troops abusing prisoners in Iraq and altered photographs of a 1970s anti-Vietnam War rally with Jane Fonda sitting near 2004 presidential candidate John Kerry. Using examples from history, Scot Macdonald outlines the principles of propaganda and deception, and presents a history of the use of altered images (both still and moving) in politics, diplomacy, espionage and war. Discussion of the key elements of propaganda, deception and photography serve as the foundation for an examination of why the United States and the West are likely targets for attacks using altered images, how adversaries might use such images against the West and what the possible defenses are against them. Propaganda and Information Warfare in the Twenty-First Century will be of great interest to students of information war, propaganda, public diplomacy and security studies in general.
Psychopolitics is the art and science of asserting and maintaining dominion over the thoughts and loyalties of individuals, officers, bureaus, and masses and the effecting of the conquest of enemy nations through “mental healing.” The subject of Psychopolitics breaks down into several categories, each a natural and logical progression from the last. Its first subject is the constitution and anatomy of man, himself, as a political organism. The next is an examination of man as an economic organism, as this might be controlled by his desires. The next is classification of State goals for the individual and masses. The next is an examination of loyalties. The next is the general subject of obedience. The next is the anatomy of the stimulus-response mechanisms of man. The next is the subject of shock and endurance. The next is categories of experience. The next is the catalyzing and aligning of experience. The next is the use of drugs.
The next is the use of implantation. The next is the general application of Psychopolitics within Russia. The next is the organization and use of counter Psychopolitics. The next is the use of Psychopolitics in the conquest of foreign nations. The next is psychopolitical organizations outside Russia, their composition and activity. The next is the creation of slave philosophy in a hostile nation. The next is countering anti-psychopolitical activities abroad, and the final one, the destiny of psychopolitical rule in a scientific age. To this might be added many subcategories, such as the nullification of modern weapons by psychopolitical activity. The strength and power of Psychopolitics cannot be overestimated, particularly when used in a nation decayed by pseudo-intellectualism, where exploitation of the masses combines readily with psychopolitical actions, and particularly where the greed of Capitalistic or Monarchial regimes has already brought about an overwhelming incidence of neurosis which can be employed as the groundwork for psychopolitical action and a psychopolitical corps.